Comments: PAT *ɣǝ-č́ǝ- (a compound with an unclear second part); PAK *t:ǝ-ʁʷa-. See Rogava 1956, 39, Shagirov 1,154 (despite these authors, Ub. wǝć(ǝ)- 'to steal' can hardly be related, for phonetic reasons). The nature of initial *t:ǝ- in PAK, as well as of *-č́ǝ in PAT, is not yet clear.
Comments: PAK *ž́ǝ. Shagirov (1, 201) compares the Abkh. word (presupposing PAT *ɣ́ǝ) with -bʁa in Ad. ž́ǝ-bʁa 'wind', Kab. źǝ-bʁa 'strong wind'. However, PAK *ʁ can not correspond to PAT *ɣ́, while on the other hand PAK *ž́ corresponds well to PAT *ɣ́. Therefore (despite some semantic difficulties) we prefer to compare the first part of the Ad. compound with Abkh.
Comments: In Abkh. there also exists a-ʁ́ʁ́a-rá with the same meaning and emphatic reduplication. PAK *ž́ǝ-; Ub. 1 p. a-z-źá-n. An alternative comparison (PAK, Ub. : Abkh. a-ž̌a-ra "to scutch (flax)" proposed by Shagirov (1977) is unacceptable for phonetic reasons.
In PAK there also exists a derivate *má-ž́a 'comb' (Ad. māž́, Kab. māźa) - one of the few reliable cases of the instrumental prefix *ma-.
Comments: PAT *aʁ́a; PAK *ž́V. Ad. has a secondary affricate (cf. Bzhed. ž́ā-bʁʷ); the Ad. form ǯ́ā-bʁʷ is a compound with -bʁʷǝ 'side, edge' (cf. Kab. jǝźǝ-rā-bʁʷ 'right side'). In Kab. jǝ- is a pronominal prefix. See Shagirov 1, 183-184.
Comments: PAT *cʷa-ɣʷa- (etymology of the first part see under PWC *c:ʷa). Besides this compound cf. perhaps also Abaz. r-ʁʷʁʷa-ra 'to stretch' (although it may be also analyzed as a derivate from ʁʷʁʷa 'straight, even').
Comments: PAT *(a)ʕa (cf. also *ʕa- in *ʕa-mǝta 'time' > Abkh. ā́mta, Abaz. ʕamta); PAK *ʁa. The root should be distinguished from *ʁ́Iʷa 'season, summer/spring' (see under *ʁwĭnʔV), although the two roots could have influenced each other (in PAT, where *ʕa- in *ʕa-pǝ-nǝ 'spring' reflects rather PWC *ʁ́Iʷa, and in PAK, where the root *ʁa means 'summer' in some compounds and idioms - e.g., in PAK *ʁa-máxʷa 'summer' > Ad. ʁamāf, Kab. ʁamāxʷa). See Shagirov 1, 124.
Comments: The form is attested only in Abkhaz (presupposing PAT *ʕa or *aʕa), with several possibilities of PWC reconstruction (*ʁ, *ʁ́, *ʁI, *ʁ́I, *q:I).
Comments: PAK *ʡǝ-ʁǝ-; Ub. 1st p. a-s-q̇ā́-ʁ. The 1st part of the compound is probably PWC *q̇́Ia 'hand' q.v. (see Shagirov 2, 162). A derivate of this verb stem in Ub. is probably q̇āʁǝ́ 'many, much' (= "(all) which is had").
Comments: See on the PAT and Ub. compounds under *pʷV 'spring' (PWC *ʁ́Iʷa-pʷV-). PAK *jǝ-ʁʷá contains a pronominal prefix *jǝ-. PWC *ʁ́Iʷa should be kept separate from PWC *ʁ́a 'time, age' (q.v.): although reflexes of both roots have merged in PAT *ʕa-, the PAT form *ʕa-pǝ-(nǝ) 'spring' is very hard to separate from Ub. wa-fá-da, and PAT *ʕ (instead of expected *ʕʷ) must be explained by dissimilatory delabialisation (before following *-p-). In AK and Ubykh the two roots are still quite distinctly opposed.
Comments: PAK *wǝdǝ́; Ub. def. á-w(ǝ)dǝ / a-w(ǝ)dǝ́. The correspondence PAK *w- : Ub. w- points to PWC *w- or *ʁ́Iʷ-. The Ubykh form may (or may not) be borrowed from Ad.; but the PAK form, at least, is genuine.
Comments: PAT *ʕʷǝnV; PAK *wǝná. It is impossible to compare Ub. ʁʷǝnǝ 'tree' - both for semantic and phonetic reasons (within the correspondence PAT *ʕʷ : PAK *w < PWC *ʁ́Iʷ we would expect w- in Ub.). Unacceptable is Kuipers' attempt (Kuipers 1960) to regard the PAK form as a compound.
Comments: PAT *ʕʷǝ; PAK *wa. The AK root is compared by Dumézil (1971,158-159) with Ub. ja-, but the correspondence AK *w : Ub. j is irregular (whereas PAT *ʕʷ : PAK *w is normal and points to PWC *ʁ́Iʷ).
